Dr. Rao VBJ Chelikani
On 16 April 2026, the ruling party introduced three Bills in a special session of Parliament proposing to increase the number of members in the Lok Sabha from the present 536 to 850. The proposed delimitation sought to reallocate and increase the number of Lok Sabha and State Legislative Assembly seats among the states by 50%. However, this proposal was strongly opposed by several opposition parties, and the Bills were defeated, though not primarily on the principle of representation.
1. Yet, it is an occasion to reflect over the very principle of representation. Citizens elect geographically defined representatives, MLAs, MLCs, MPs, municipal Councillors, and Panchayat members to legislate and govern on their behalf. The purpose of this system is to give all people the right to choose those who represent their interests in governance. This ideal is a historical aspiration dating back to the medieval period, aimed at establishing equal political power fro all. Territorial representation for political governance by Parliament is grounded in Articles 82 and 170(3) of the Constitution. Delimitation based on territory and population was carried out by the Delimitation Commission in 1952, 1963, 1973, and 2002. However, this quantitative approach was deemed inadequate, leading to a freeze on delimitation through the 42nd Constitutional Amendment Act until 2001, in order to encourage population control. This freeze was later extended to 2026 by the 84th Constitutional Amendment Act. Public opinion widely recognises that the present kind of members of Parliament have not been fulfilling their mission role effectively. If the very nature of representation requires review, what is the rationale for merely increasing the number of representatives of the same type, especially when many other constitutional reforms remain pending?
2. In practice, elected representatives have increasingly become representatives of political parties rather than of the people. Consequently, parliamentary performance has deteriorated. Political parties now play such a dominant role in Indian democracy that the sovereignty of the people is effectively appropriated by them, even though political parties are neither envisaged nor explicitly mentioned in the Constitution. During general elections, parties nominate candidates, often parachuted into constituencies, and voters merely choose among them. As a result, those who occupy seats in Parliament function primarily as party representatives and execute the decisions taken in the headequarters of the party. Party control is so absolute that a duly elected MP can lose his or her seat for failing to vote according to party directives; party whips enforce strict discipline.
The original Constitution of 1950 made no explicit reference to political parties, as the Constituent Assembly assumed they would function informally, as platforms for debate and mobilisation, not as constitutional entities. However, after consolidating their power, political parties introduced the 52nd Constitutional Amendment Act in 1985, known as the Anti-Defection Law, which for the first time mentioned political parties in the Tenth Schedule. While intended to curb rampant defections (Aaya Ram, Gaya Ram), it effectively curtailed the autonomy of elected representatives and undermined popular sovereignty. An MP elected by the people can now be disqualified by a party, an entity external to the constituency. A stronger constitutional check, such as seeking the opinion of the Supreme Court before assent by the President, might have been warranted.
3. Over time, it became necessary to incorporate additional parameters beyond territorial representation. The system, left to itself, failed to ensure adequate participation of historically disadvantaged communities such as Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Consequently, certain constituencies were reserved for SCs and STs, where only candidates from these communities can contest, although all citizens may vote. This is provided under Articles 330 and 332 of the Constitution. Similarly, at the local level, seats in panchayats and municipalities are reserved for women, at least one-third, and up to 50% in many states. The 106th Constitutional Amendment Act in 2023 further provides for 33% reservation for women in the Lok Sabha and State Assemblies, though it has yet to be implemented.
4. An ideal representative in a large and diverse polity such as India must transform social conflicts related to caste, class, language, region, and religion into negotiated outcomes within institutions, rather than allowing them to escalate into extra-constitutional struggles. A disorderly Parliament can still be democratic, as it reflects and absorbs these conflicts, preventing them from erupting violently outside institutional frameworks. A representative should understand the short-term as well as the long-term needs of constituents and address issues such as water access, land use, infrastructure, education, policing, and environmental sustainability. They must also collaborate with representatives from other regions to ensure and promote the general welfare. In return, they communicate and legitimise state authority to the people. This process of negotiation and coordination, resolving competing claims through acceptable compromises, is the core productive function of representation.
5. In the early stages of democratic development, the transfer of political power from the feudals to people and the right to choose representatives was considered more important than the qualifications or performance of those representatives. Popular approval was paramount. Thus, legitimacy of representation historically outweighed its quality. Today, however, since the legitimacy is largely ensured, the focus must shift to the efficiency and substance of representation. Representatives must be able to enhance the quality of life of citizens and contribute to peace and development at both national and global levels.
6. The practice of concentrating political power in territorial representatives has fostered an excessive preoccupation with power, which is often exercised to dominate rather than to build consensus for working together. Decision-making by majority vote, especially on contentious issues, is creating the risk of a majoritarian regime. While majority rule is a procedural necessity and is a political expediency, it does not by itself satisfy the democratic spirit. Regimes that rely on it mechanically risk becoming merely formal democracies, leadig to authoritarian and bureaucratic tendencies. In such situations, governance can stagnate, leading to disorder in Parliament, as seen in several developing countries.
7. As Gresham‘s Law in economics suggests that "bad money drives out good," a similar dynamic can emerge in political culture. Dominant political actors overshadow leaders from other fields such as culture, science, law, and education. Only a few public figures, such as some cinema actors who turned politicians, have managed to escape from this pattern. A healthy democracy requires more individuals who influence and persuade society toward constructive behaviour than those who merely legislate and enforce rules. Citizens should be able to pursue their own development freely while cooperating with others in a spirit of mutual growth. Ultimately, social, economic, and cultural relationships must also become democratic, reducing the disproportionate dominance of political power.
II. Reconsidering Representation
The time has come to reassess the current model of representation and explore alternatives suited to solve the complex needs of Indian society. At present, an estimated 20 to 30 lakhs of people are actively involved in politics in India, including around 2 lakhs full-time elected representatives at municipal, state, and national levels, and they, together form a distinct political class. Public perception increasingly questions their effectiveness and motives. Expanding their numbers is likely to exacerbate existing problems: more disruptions ad agitations in Parliament, more freebies, increased public expenditure, more misuse of power, more administrative delays and corruption. Given that India‘s emotional integration remains incomplete, any expansion of political interests risks more division and further fragmentation, driven by personal power ambitions. More seats would also mean more elections, higher costs, and increased political instability.
III. Alternative Solutions
Even if territorial representation is retained, the principles of delimitation must be rethought. The Constitution initially at independence adopted a quasi-federal structure to accommodate diverse regional interests including those of princely states under British suzerainty. However, with subsequent reorganization of states, based on regionalism, language, etc, these historical geographic conditions no longer exist. Instead of artificial constituencies with uneven size and varying population, historically grounded administrative units of Carcars of the Mughalai times and the Districts formed by the British Administration could serve as valid basis for representation. As of 2026, India has around 806 districts across 28 states and 8 Union Territories, which are subjected to periodic reorganization by the states. Using districts as distinct units of representation could enhance administrative coherence and efficiency. Further, this solution will also solve a problem that the Government of India could not so far solve, of some districts which have their own regional identity and have been stoutly refusing to join any state. This would solve many problems of political integration of India and some of our borders would become peaceful.
IV. Expanding the Scope of Representation
Further, in the 21st century human aspirations have enormously and successfully grown and demand a wider meaning to governance and democracy. Though political democracy is an absolute necessity, it is not sufficient to transform a country into a democratic society in social, economic and cultural dimensions. In the past, many bi-cameral parliamentary democracies used a second or the Upper chamber to provide other radically different, mostly non-political and non-party forms of representation. These reps can revise or review or even reject some proposals made by the lower chamber.
The second chambers in present India, nevertheless, contain multiple representational principles layered together. But, over a time, the political parties have started using them as second chambers to fill them with their party members who could not be accommodated in the Lok Sabha and the State Councils. Now, we have to reduce the role of generalists and political actors and increase the role of social, economic and cultural actors as social leaders in the place of political leaders in the legislative bodies. Under Article 171, many members are chosen through special constituencies of Local authorities like municipalities, Panchayats, Graduates and Teachers. Some are elected by MLAs.The Rajya Sabha has 12 nominated members chosen for their special knowledge, merit, expertise in literature, science, art, and social service; but it is, supposed to be explicitly on a non-party, nonelectoral representational principle. Rajya Sabha primarily represents states, as in German Bundesrat and in United States Senate. There has been historical estate or corporate representation of organised social orders with Clergy, Nobility, Guilds, Universities and Chambers of Commerce in older European upper chambers. Some seats are reserved for religious minorities, ethnic groups, indigenous peoples and linguistic communities as in former Yugoslavia.
The alternative representation in the 2nd chamber should now reflect more different principles of representation altogether, without any political party nomination. Not the Lok Sabha members, but the members of the Rajya Sabha and of the State Councils that should be usefully doubled in number. The representation should be functional, vocational, corporatist, estate and of experts. Representation by social functions or professions is to be done by workers, small, medium and large scale industries, business, managers, farmers, scientists, universities, teachers. etc. The closest model is the upper house of the Irish parliament whose distinctive feature is that many of its members are elected through 'vocational panels'. Similarly, the candidates will have to be elected from among the approved nominating bodies of the Chambers of Commerce and Industries, Medical and healthcare Associations, Bar Councils, Universities, Teachers associations, Trade unions, Municipal and Panchayat chambers, NRI associations and civil society federations, etc., both for the Rajya Sabha and the state Councils.
They should vote using proportional representation (single transferable vote). Even if the political parties dominate and interfer in nomination and voting, still the governance will be inspired by social responsibility, integral development and inerr-dependent and harmonious human relations. Such members are not likely to become professional politicians and there is a likelihood of greater participation of greater number of citizens in governance, if a citizen cannot hold the same office more than two terms.
Who will Bell the Cat ?
The central challenge is persuading current legislators to enact reforms in terms of constitutional amendments that may limit their own power. This requires activising mechanisms of direct and participatory democracy. With the rise of social media and digital communication, citizens and civil society organisations can now have greater capacity to influence governance. Institutionalising participatory tools to call for referendums, citizen initiatives, recall mechanisms, and structured public consultations, can help align political action with public interest. Some of these mechanisms could be made legally binding by the same process, while others could guide policy through sustained civic engagement.
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